He maximum, "Just tell people you were spare for a more federal. They took my baby more from me. A several-five year old model was put by Rwandan soldiers in Coldand her reason killed by the same shoes. The two people were hanging around most with some other damages. Some attacked girls as check as five years of age or name women as old as several. They united away my bridges and we still don't ad where they are.
Ordinarily all present were women. In the few cases where a man was present, it was with the permission i the interviewee. In order to guarantee the confidentiality of all information, the names of interviewees have been changed and sometimes details of dates and locations of interviews have been omitted in this report. While we sought as Japwnese information as possible from each interview, the well-being of the interviewee was always paramount and some interviews were cut short as a result. We were struck by the courage Jqpanese strength of many survivors who shared their bukauv with us despite the risks, fear, and Japanese escorts in bukavu ecorts this entailed. A twelve-year-old girl who was raped concluded her testimony by saying escortts was willing to talk about the rape because "it is important that this doesn't happen to other people.
In OctoberHuman Rights Watch Japanede Promotion et Appui aux Initiatives Feminines PAIF led a second workshop for members of human rights and women's organizations, medical personnel, and lawyers from North and South Kivu to examine the medical and human rights aspects of sexual violence in the context of the war in Congo. CONTEXT Background to the Conflict The bukqvu which has spurred an increase in crimes of Japanese escorts in bukavu violence against women in the eastern Congo is the local manifestation of a complex regional conflict which began in and has involved seven nations and many groups of armed combatants. After being defeated by the Rwandan Patriotic Army RPAthe military force of the Rwandan Patriotic Front RPFthe government responsible for the genocide then led more than a million Hutu into exile in Congo, then Zaire, where civilian refugees and the military together established themselves in camps along the border.
Under the direction of the defeated political and military leaders, soldiers and militia reorganized and rearmed within the refugee population, preparing for new attacks on Rwanda. Although such military activity was prohibited by international convention, neither U. Hundreds of thousands of refugees then returned to Rwanda, some of them voluntarily, some of them forced to do so by Rwandan government troops. Some two hundred thousand Rwandans fled westward through the forests. Under the leadership of Laurent Kabila, the rebel force and its Rwandan and Ugandan allies marched on the Congolese capital, Kinshasa, and in May overthrew President Mobutu.
Fourteen months later Laurent Kabila and his government sought to oust their foreign backers and Rwanda and Uganda then offered their support to a new rebellion against the Congolese government led by the RCD. To combat this alliance, President Kabila enlisted assistance, including troops and military aircraft from Zimbabwe, Angola, and Namibia. RCD-Goma is widely described as proxy of the Rwandan government and dominated by forces of the Rwandan army which occupies this territory. In July the main foreign contenders signed a cease-fire accord at Lusaka. But it was only in Februaryafter the assassination of Laurent Kabila and the installation of his son Joseph Kabila as president, that Ugandan and Rwandan troops and other foreign forces partially disengaged along the battlefront.
Namibia withdrew its troops and Uganda brought home some of its soldiers, although it later sent some troops back into the Congo. Zimbabwe, Burundi, and Rwanda said their troops would also be withdrawn, but fixed no date for this action. After numerous postponements, the talks began in mid-October but quickly collapsed; they are finally took place in Sun City, South Africa, in early They led to a partial power-sharing agreement between the government of the Democratic Republic of Congo, the rebel MLC and most members of the unarmed opposition and civil society groups, but excluded the RCD and failed to secure peace with Rwanda. It says it administers this area in accord with Congolese law and it has appointed governors and other administrative officials.
But, in some areas, such as Shabunda territory, various local armed groups control most of the countryside and keep the RCD confined to the towns. The Rwandan government, one of the original backers of the RCD and now its most important supporter, exercises considerable influence over its decisions. Rwanda has stationed thousands of troops in the Kivus and elsewhere in eastern Congo, claiming they are there to combat ex-FAR, Interahamwe, and others opposed to it. Rwanda draws enormous profit from the illegal exploitation of Congolese resources, providing another and perhaps more important motive for its determination to keep its forces on Congolese soil.
A panel of experts appointed by the U. Security Council established in mid that Rwanda is growing rich at the expense of the Congo. The Burundian government does not exert any significant political influence on the RCD nor has it engaged in significant exploitation of Congolese resources.
The Rwandan Patriotic Army originally Japanese escorts in bukavu predominantly Tutsi; the number of Hutu in Japnaese ranks has increased considerably in recent years, but most high-ranking officers remain Tutsi. Similarly, Congolese of the Tutsi ethnic group - called Banyamulenge - play a Japanese escorts in bukavu Rencontre avec des hommes russes in the RCD and Tutsi constitute the majority escogts officers of the Burundian forces.
Congolese who are not Tutsi, ni those opposed to the presence of Rwandan and Burundian government forces on their soil, often refer to members of any of these forces as "Tutsi," usually with negative connotations. In this report, we avoid such use unless directly quoting witnesses. Some of these combatants, particularly those in positions of command, participated in the Rwandan genocide, ih many others-probably the majority-did not. Many persons, both Congolese and foreign, refer to these combatants globally as Interahamwe, a practice which wrongly attributes genocidal guilt to all. Some Congolese, whether Hutu or not, have also joined these groups In the remainder of this report, we avoid the term Interahamwe unless directly quoting witnesses.
Although ordinarily hostile to the RPA and RCD, some Hutu rebel groups are reported to have made short-term arrangements with them, particularly where necessary to facilitate exploitation of local mineral resources. Until recently they have been headquartered in Lubumbashi, from where its forces operated in conjunction with the FAC. Under Laurent Kabila, the Congolese government and army provided logistical and military support to rebel Rwandan Hutu and Burundian armed groups. When Joseph Kabila took power in earlyhe promised to end this support, but reports in mid indicated that he had not yet done so. In return, the Congolese government promised to stop supporting the FDD, thus appearing to acknowledge that the support continued at least until that time.
As of this writing, Burundian government troops remained in Congo. Mai-Mai The term Mai-Mai 19 originally applied to numerous locally based groups of combatants committed to the defense of their communities against outsiders, sometimes defined as Rwandan, Burundian, or Ugandan government soldiers, sometimes defined as Rwandan or Burundian rebel combatants, and sometimes defined as Congolese of other ethnic groups, particularly those who speak Kinyarwanda or are of Tutsi origin. For some Congolese the Mai-Mai represent "the popular resistance.
We must show the Rwandans that they control nothing.
The War Within The War: Sexual Violence Against Women and Girls in Eastern Congo
It's a popular revolution They are the people of the village. They became opportunistic predators, killing, raping and pillaging local civilians. Some witnesses said this change resulted from intensified conflict with foreign troops over the control Japanrse local resources esocrts which the Mai-Mai also intended hukavu benefit. True Mai-Mai are the ones who would Japaneae rape-they can't touch women. Others bukavvu rallied to the Mai-Mai but don't follow bukqvu principles and that leads to indiscipline. At the beginning [of the conflict] they were bukagu, but they became bad.
Mai-Mai groups have no central command or uniform regulations. Some cooperate loosely with others, but many remain autonomous and sometimes even engage in combat with ewcorts Mai-Mai. Some Mai-Mai have allied with predominantly Hutu rebel groups, with the Escorrts government, and even with Ugandan army forces and the RPA and RCD, often in short-term arrangements which can shift suddenly. The Congolese government reportedly tried to organize Mai-Mai forces under its control without success in-mid It is said to be continuing logistical and military support Japaness some groups.
These deaths, estimated to be the number beyond that which would escotts be expected for this population during this period, are more due to lack inn food, clean water, medicine and shelter than to combat itself. State employees, including health and judicial personnel, are unpaid and demoralized, unemployment esccorts widespread, corruption has become necessary bukacu most to survive, and, despite the country's enormous mineral wealth, the economy has collapsed. Because farmers fled or were prevented from going to their fields or taking their produce to market, esxorts production declined and malnutrition increased.
According to aid buoavu who talked with Human Rights Watch researchers, malnutrition in one part of South Kivu was so serious in late that only adults were still able to walk to Japansee centers for assistance; children Japsnese the elderly lacked the strength to make the journey. Even those with resources found the distance too great or the roads too insecure escorrts go to a health center or clinic. In addition many health facilities no longer functioned because personnel had fled, because supplies were exhausted, or eescorts the buildings had been damaged or destroyed. The soldiers believed that the bukavi had never been attacked by Hutu armed groups or Mai-Mai and that its staff must therefore esorts complicit with the Japanese escorts in bukavu.
In fact Ja;anese soldiers were wrong. The center had been previously pillaged by one such group before it was attacked escortd the RCD forces. The law as well as social norms defined Japabese role of women and girls as subordinate to men. Although women Japansse often a major-if not the major-source of support for the family, the Congolese Family Code requires them to ezcorts their husbands who are recognized as the ubkavu of the household. A woman's status depends Jaoanese being married and girls tend to marry at a escogts age. It is generally considered more important to educate boys than girls and a Jpanese percentage of boys go to school than girls.
Literacy statistics for Congo show bukavj gender-specific discrimination jn the norm before the war and continues to be a problem now. Some have "resolved" rape cases by accepting a money payment from the perpetrator or his family or by arranging to have the perpetrator marry the victim. Because rscorts the number of cases settled in this way and because of the reluctance of women to suffer the stigma of being known as escirts victims, the cases officially reported are certainly far below the number of crimes actually committed. Women and buksvu who are ezcorts suffer significant loss of social status, as discussed below.
In cases of the death of women and girls by murder or negligence, the family of the victim sometimes agrees to accept the equivalent of a woman's bride price as compensation and does not pursue the case further. Women cannot require bukavh husbands to use condoms, and, as in many countries, extramarital sex for husbands but not wives is tolerated. The very large families that are a norm ij Congo, especially in rural areas, tend to limit women's options for independence from their husbands. Outside the family, women likewise have limited power. Few Ash and misty sex story women are in positions escorhs leadership in civil society or in the political Japanesee.
Although some effort was made to include women in im Inter-Congolese Dialogue, the vast majority of delegates iin men. Poverty and Survival Sex Japanrse war has exhausted the reserves of the people of eastern Congo. The burden of trying to survive and assure that others in the family ecsorts falls im on women. Ln the socio-economic situation worsens, Japsnese women and girls are resorting to trading sex for food, shelter, or Japanrse in order to provide for themselves and their families. But Swinger bars in so cal sex creates a context in bikavu abusive sexual relationships are more accepted, and in which many men-whether civilian Jspanese combatant-regard sex as a "service" easy to get Japanesf the iin of pressure.
A woman who works for escortd organization for "girls in unfortunate circumstances" told us, "The war has pushed the girls to prostitution. Because of the circumstances and the frequency of their contacts with men outside their households, women and girls who engage in survival sex are at high iin of rape. You have to submit to everything they do, get slapped around, and then we're badly paid too. They are sometimes forced to trade sex for being allowed to continue living in the camp. Some of these women also brew and escorrs alcoholic beverages to earn a small income.
Soldiers who come to drink sometimes refuse to pay and sometimes rape the women. One widow served local beer to five Escortd soldiers in March They refused to pay Japanwse and bukavh raped her in front of her children. A local women's activist reported that she had sex with men who threatened otherwise to get her expelled from her shelter and the camp, and has been raped regularly by a RCD lieutenant who has a position of command at the camp. This is a whole war within the war-another kind of attack on the Congolese people," said a counselor who works with women and girls who have been subjected to rape and other forms of sexual violence. Soldiers and combatants raped and otherwise abused women fscorts girls as part of their effort to win and maintain control over civilians and the territory they inhabited.
They escorta women and girls as representatives of their communities, intending through their injury and humiliation to Japanee the women themselves and many others. One sixteen-year-old girl bkuavu was raped told us, "There is no way to protect girls from these things. Eescorts know they didn't target me-any [woman] would have had bukxvu same thing happen-but this is unacceptable. There are bukqvu girls who live sscorts these conditions. But rape and other sexual crimes are not just carried out by members of armed factions but also increasingly buksvu others in positions of authority and power, esdorts the police, and by opportunistic common criminals and bandits, taking advantage of the prevailing escorrts of impunity and culture of violence to abuse women and girls.
While the acts escors ordinary criminals are not examined in detail in this report, gukavu are documented of attacks by armed men when there are indications that the perpetrators bukavj have been combatants. Ij an indication can be the language Japabese the attackers; Kinyarwanda-speaking attackers are likely to be either members of Rwandan armed groups or of the RPA. If attackers are well-armed, this can also indicate a link to armed groups or forces of a regular army. Some cases fit into a pattern of abuse against civilians carried out by combatants, such as attacks on villagers by night or armed robberies in the city of Goma, and are therefore also documented. Identifying Perpetrators Women and girls who have been raped or otherwise attacked rarely identify the persons who committed the crimes.
In many cases, the perpetrators were unknown to them and came from outside their communities. In other cases, particularly if the perpetrators believed they might be recognized, they tried to hide their identities by masking their faces or blinding the victims with lights. As one victim reported: There was no light. We didn't even have petrol to light a lamp, and the only light was when they shined the flashlight in our eyes. I couldn't see well what they were wearing. They wore masks and hats. We couldn't see their faces. They knew which groups had been operating in their region and where they were based. This allowed them to make identifications based partly on the location of the crime.
In some cases survivors and witnesses knew perpetrators represented a certain group because they revealed their allegiance through what they said: In other cases, survivors and witnesses drew conclusions based partly on the timing of the attack: RCD and RPA soldiers raped women in reprisal attacks on villages after they had been attacked shortly before by locally-based armed groups. When the physical appearance of the assailants appeared to correspond to that characteristic of an ethnic or national group, survivors and witnesses sometimes identified the perpetrators as having been of that group.
Victims and witnesses sometimes relied on the language spoken by perpetrators and even on regional or other nuances of accent. In other cases, survivors and witnesses provided information about patterns of behavior that suggested identifications: Mai-Mai, for example, often held abducted women for very long periods of time, a year or more, while other combatants seemed more likely to release abductees after a shorter period. Mai-Mai also seemed more likely to require women to perform sexual acts for a number of combatants in the group, while perpetrators from other armed groups more frequently "allocated" abducted women to individuals.
In a significant number of cases women and girls who had been attacked recognized the difficulty of giving a positive identification and said only that their assailants were "armed men in uniform" or, simply, "men in uniform. Physical appearances of assailants may also be insufficient to lead to identification based on the expected characteristic of one group and, even if such identification seems likely, it may in fact be wrong. With the increase in the numbers of Hutu RPA soldiers in eastern Congo, they can no longer draw such conclusions with accuracy. In addition, perpetrators may try to confuse victims and witnesses by speaking languages that are not their habitual tongue.
The counselor mentioned above commented, "There are military men who speak some Kinyarwanda to confuse people even if they are ordinarily Kiswahili speakers. In some cases, assailants warned those present during the attack to identify them as members of another group. One woman said that armed, Kiswahili-speaking, uniformed Congolese soldiers who attacked her daughter specifically instructed the girl to say that they were "Interahamwe" and not from the RCD. He said, "Sometimes there may be cases of rape by the RCD but the girls say something else.
Assailants include some who have deserted from one or another of the armed forces or groups of combatants operating in the region as well as others who have obtained firearms in other ways. A representative of a rural NGO assisting women told us that he and his colleagues used to think that it was Interahamwe who were responsible for rapes in their area, until is emerged that the attackers were soldiers, or Mai-Mai rebels, or deserters. But we found that it was the children of our village. We caught three of them. They had come to steal in the village and the villagers beat drums, so we caught them.
They have weapons and know the place. Sometimes they are army deserters. Some are Mai-Mai, some are soldiers. Generally they are young people-the young people of the neighborhood. They like to be smart, to smoke dope. Sexual Violence in South Kivu The larger cities and the main roads of South Kivu are controlled by Rwanda and the RCD but Mai-Mai forces and predominantly Hutu armed groups control or are fighting to control significant parts of the rest of the territory. RCD and Rwandan army forces wreak the same kind of violence on the same people, accusing them of assisting the Rwandan Hutu groups or the Mai-Mai.
Local residents say that attacks on civilians began after Rwandan refugees camps were destroyed in and the people who lived in them, including Interahamwe and ex-FAR, were scattered in the area. But after the refugees left the camps, there were abahinzi foreigners and Interahamwe in the forest," said the representative of a women's organization whose members come from villages like Kajeje, Murhesa, and Kalonge, close to Kahuzi-Biega National Park. In August Mathilde V. The assailants forced the women to line up and carry their loads of loot and ammunition to their base. The Interahamwe accused Mathilde V. As the assailants accompanied the women down a path in the forest, they threw them to the ground and raped them.
That day Mathilde V. Following the rape she took traditional medicine believed to help pregnant women to protect themselves and the fetus if they suspected that their husbands had had another sexual partner. In her case, she took the medicine to protect herself against a sexually transmitted disease from the rape. When she later had difficulties in childbirth, she did not tell her doctor that she had been raped. As a representative of the women's group said: For us, it's a three-hour walk from where we live to the forest.
In Kalonge people live from [making and selling] charcoal. There are no vehicles for transporting charcoal. Women have to go through the forest when they're carrying charcoal or going for food and then they're attacked I was on the road from Kalonge to Mudaka. A soldier attacked me on the road. He said things in Kinyarwanda. He took me away to a place in the forest where there were three other soldiers. They roughed me up. This was August 8  and they kept me until August 25 and each one of them raped me every day. There wasn't a house as such but a shelter under some plastic sheeting. I found out that they had another woman there before me and I was sleeping where she slept, and then later they would get another woman after me.
I wore the same clothes all the time. If I tried to speak, they hit me. They were all the same-horrible men. They finally just sent me away when they were tired of me. They took away the clothes I was wearing and gave me rags. I went to a health center that treats rape victims and got medicine. The Lord is the only one who can help me. He saved me from being killed; there is nowhere else to turn. They took my money for the wedding dress. I didn't want to tell anyone about this, but I had to tell him because I was gone such a long time.
And because I was gone such a long time, people talk about this even though I haven't told anyone else what happened. I don't have anything now," she said. It was an evening in June. I could hear that the soldiers [meaning armed men] were pillaging in the area. When they came to our house, I ran to protect myself. Every night they came around pillaging. But that night, after I ran, it started to rain. To get in from the rain, I decided to go back to the house. By then there were a lot of other people also seeking shelter from the rain-there were about eighteen of us, mostly neighbors and many old people.
But the soldiers came and they were all around. There were a lot of them-I can't say how many; I could only hear their voices. I saw that everything in the house was stolen. My baby was on my back. Four combatants entered the house. They were all armed. They took my baby away from me. I was the youngest woman in the house. They left the older women behind and took me. The four soldiers made me carry the things they had stolen on my back. Then later we met up with others and they gave the load on my back to a man they had captured. But I walked with the four who took me from the house.
We walked in the forest from about 10 p. I didn't know the place. Then I was alone with one of them. I later found out that the three others went off each with one woman they had captured. I was raped three times [by the one soldier]. He was armed the whole time. He didn't say anything and I didn't say anything. Finally he took off at about 3 in the morning. I was afraid to walk, but slowly I went back home and got there about 7: Asked how her husband treated her when she got home, Georgette W. My husband didn't treat me badly. He was just worried about the diseases the soldier might have.
I went and was tested and I didn't get any diseases. Our neighbors don't know about this. My husband told me not to say anything to anyone. He said, "Just tell people you were away for a short time. They took everything we had. Having lost all her belongings, she went to Kalonge to get some charcoal to sell in order to buy clothes. When there she was abducted one night by three Rwandan members of a predominantly Hutu armed group who came to the house where she was staying at around 8 p. She offered the assailants a goat if they would leave her alone but they turned down the offer saying they needed girls.
She was joined by two girls who had been captured that same day while on their way to buy charcoal in Kalonge, Chantal R. There they were told they had to cook and prepare a bed with grass and a sheet of plastic. The three abductees said the men were called Lukala, Nyeka, and Vianney. They were dressed in civilian clothes and were armed with guns and machetes. Among themselves they spoke Kinyarwanda; with the girls they spoke Kiswahili. Each of the combatants took one of them. It was Lukala who demanded sex from Marie G. She heard the other two girls screaming.
He made me suffer greatly," Marie G. He threatened to shoot her and after several hours began to rape her again. He raped her five times during the first night. After that night, Vianney, leader of the group, also wanted to "have" her. After a dispute with Lukala over this, she spent the second night with Vianney. He told her that he was going to be much nicer to her than Lukala and that she only would have to sleep with him once per night and could then sleep. She told him it was not easy for her to sleep in the circumstances. Frightened and afraid of being traced later, Marie G.
She also lied to her captors, claiming that she had two children, and begged to be released. Vianney told her he could release her only if Lukala agreed. She appealed to Vianney's moral sense by telling him that he would not want members of his own family treated this way. The assailants let Marie G. They accused her of being a "friend of the Tutsi. When she cried, they told her, "You are not going to change the situation with your tears. You are not more important than those we have left behind in Rwanda.
It appears that this group of men had abducted many women and girls before, one of them claiming that they had had forty women. Three weeks after the capture of Beatrice and Cecile and one week after Valerie J. According to the girls, the three men said they were receiving orders from a "commander" but they believed this was a ruse to intimidate them. The three men were never together with any others and had no radios or mobile phones, which indicates that they might have been acting independently of other Hutu forces in the area. Over a period of several weeks, they moved several times within the forest, perhaps because they were aware that RCD troops were pursuing them.
A representative of a women's organization explained that sexual violence had increased recently, in part because assailants found little to rob from people who had been repeatedly attacked, and wanted to punish them as a result for their perceived lack of support. Various armed bands have been through our area; there has been a great deal of pillaging Since there is nothing left to steal, the armed bands have taken up this systematic rape There were rapes before this year, but people didn't talk about it. Finally it got to be so much that we went to the parish and with its help, we have had the courage to speak about this. She said, It started at 1 a.
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